Analysis Of Radicalisation And Extremism Criminology Essay

Analysis Of Radicalisation And Extremism Criminology Essay Radicalisation is a complex term which has different meanings and can be used in different contexts. To be radicalised does not necessarily mean that one has to resort to violence or terrorism. It is not a synonym to extreme religious teachings or activities either. Radicalism can be intolerant behaviour or intolerance towards the views of other people. It can be intolerance towards homosexuality, ethnicity, race, colour, religion. Being radical can be intolerance towards the western culture or Asian immigrants living in Britain as well. The US Southern Baptists do not recognise homosexuality as a valid alternative lifestyle (Kahn, 2006). The army of God, a Christian extremist group in the US murders doctors who practice abortion (Gray, 2007). A former Dutch immigration minister sought to deny asylum to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender Iranians, threatening to deport them back to Iran which imposes a death penalty on homosexual conduct (Human Rights Watch, 2007). Do the above examples not illustrate radical and extremist behaviour? Therefore Radicalisation can vary from having extreme views about something to intolerant behaviour towards certain people, to violent radicalisation which has severe consequences. For the purpose of this research we shall look into extremist radicalisation or violent radicalisation with religious or political aims. According to Precht (2007), Radicalisation is a process of adopting an extremist belief system and the willingness to use, support, or facilitate violence and fear as a method of effecting changes in society. In this definition we can see that a person is radicalised when they adopt an extremist belief system and perceive society as defective and aim to change it through non-violent or violent ways. There is a very fine line between extremism and radicalisation. According to Archbishop Desmond Tutu extremism is when you do not allow for a different point of view; when you hold your own views as being quite exclusive; when you dont allow for the possibility of difference (Tutu, 2006). One could argue that there is nothing wrong with extremism or radicalisation, as it does not necessarily lead to violence but on the other hand the very fine line can easily be crossed over. However when extremism starts to have a political end, for example to force governments to the table of negotiation or to changes in policy it then converges into radicalisation (Davies, 2008). And when the willingness to use violence for a political or religious change combines with this radicalisation it can lead to terrorism. Radicalisation is a process where an individual adopts extreme political or religious ideas and goals, becoming convinced that the attainment of these goals justifies extreme methods (Ongering, 2007). In the context of this research we shall look into Islamist radicalisation or violent Islamism. Before we look into the literature we should not confuse the terms Islam and Islamist. Islam is a religion and the follower of this religion is known as a Muslim not an Islamist. Islamist or Islamism is a term coined by the West to differentiate between Islam the faith or religion and Islamism as the ideology or political Islam. Islamism refers to a political ideology that strives to create a state and society in conformity with religious doctrine and Shariah (Islamic) law. An Islamist is a person who uses religious arguments to further political goals; in contrast a militant Islamist or violent Islamism is when there is a willingness to use violence to advance their goals (Precht, 2007). Again there is a difference between adopting political Islam in a non-violent way, as many Muslim organisations in the contemporary world do, and adopting political Islam in a violent way portrayed by the violent acts perpetrated in the name of Islam by certain groups and individuals who distort the teachings of Islam in their own extremist ways. It is the latter that leads to terrorism. How do young Muslims become radicalised and resort to violence. There have been numerous studies with respect to the process of radicalization. In the view of the NYPD (New York City Police Department) study, the adoption of the Salafi-Jihadi ideology is a key driver that motivates young men and women to carry out acts of violence and terrorism (Silber and Bhatt, 2007). This study conducted by the NYPD (Silber and Bhatt, 2007) suggests that the radicalisation process is composed of four distinct phases. The first phase is pre- radicalisation, in which an individual has a normal life and this is a period before the journey to extremism and the adoption of Salafi-Jihadi ideology. The second stage is self-identification, where individuals explore Salafi Islam and move away from their old identity towards a new world view and begin to associate themselves with like minded people. The catalyst in this phase usually is a cognitive opening or a crisis like losing a job or international conflicts involving Muslims. The third stage in the process is indoctrination, where the adopted Salafi-Jihadi ideology intensifies. This leads the individual into militant jihad and this phase is usually facilitated and driven by a spiritual sanctioner. While the final and fourth stage is jihadization, where individuals accept their duty to participate in jihad and self designate themselves as holy warriors. Ultimately they begin operational training for jihad or terrorist attacks (Silber and Bhatt, 2007). For Silber and Bhatt (2007) a person is radicalised when they go through these stages in a systematic way as if it were a funnel. Some would go all the way through the funnel and become terrorists and others would exit in any of the early stages. An important point to note in their study is: Entering the process does not mean one will progress through all four stages and become a terrorist. However, it also does not mean that if one does not become a terrorist, he or she is no longer a threat. Individuals who have been radicalized but are not jihadists may serve as mentors and agents of influence to those who might become the terrorists of tomorrow (Silber and Bhatt, 2007:84) I beg to differ with Silber and Bhatt (2007) on the observation quoted above. It is not necessary that if a person does not go through the whole process of radicalisation and exits at some stage, we should still perceive him or her as a threat. There is ample evidence that many individuals who have been radicalised and who do not become terrorists can still continue and live as normal peace loving citizens. They do not always serve as mentors or agents of influence for the terrorists of tomorrow. If we study biographies of former Islamist radicals or extremists, we do come across real life examples of people like Ed Husain, Majid Nawaz, Shiraz Maher and Hassan Bhatt who joined radical Islam in Britain, got radicalized to a great extent and then left it, becoming normal peace loving citizens of their country (Biggar and Hogan, 2009). Ed Hussain, a former Islamist radical tells his story of how he joined radical Islamist groups in Britain, moving from Jamaat Islami to Young Muslims Organisation (YMO) and then to the more radicalised Hizb-ut-Tahrir. After several years of activism in radical Islamist groups he finally realized in the mid 90s that he was disillusioned with these groups and became more interested in traditional Sufi Islam and non political scholars in Islam. Living a normal life with his wife in Britain, he is a devout Muslim and a believer in traditional Islamic teachings and has shunned radical and political Islam (Husain, 2007). Realizing how he misinterpreted Islam initially and fell prey to radical and political Islam; and viewed Islam as an ideology rather than a religion, he states: For me, being a Muslim is not a political identity- Islam does not teach us a monolithic approach to life. The Prophet did not create new systems of government, but adopted existing paradigms from seventh-century Arabia (Husain, 2007:269) This refutes Silber and Bhatts (2007) study because their radicalisation process does not acknowledge that radicalized individuals can revert back to a normal peace loving life. It does not have room for individuals who have been radicalised and then shunned radicalisation, as they are still seen as a threat in their model. Husain furthers his argument and explains how he feels about the non political nature of Islam, In Mecca I met Muslims who were unalike in their background and culture but united in their belief. For me that is the true ummah- a spiritual community, not a political bloc (Husain, 2007: 269-70). Another example is Majid Nawaz, who got involved with radical Islamist groups in Britain and later realized how he had misinterpreted Islam: As I studied various branches of traditional Islamic sciences, however, I grew more and more surprised. The sheer breadth of scholastic disagreement that I found, on issues I had believed were so definitive in Islam, surprised meà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ It slowly dawned on me that what I had been propagating was far from true Islam. I began to realise that what I had subscribed to was actually Islamism sold to me in the name of Islam (Nawaz, 2007). However, having explicated that, it does not mean that the study carried out by Silber and Bhatt (2007) does not hold any relevance at all regarding the radicalisation process. I concur with their view that extreme religious ideology (Salafi-Jihadi) is a key driver that motivates young people to get radicalised. The spread of Salafi-Jihadi ideology and books by radical ideologues such as Mawdudi and Syed Qutb have proven to have great influence in the radicalisation process of individuals (Husain, 2007; Nawaz, 2007; Change Institute, 2008) I will shed some light on another model of the radicalisation process with similarities to Silber and Bhatts (2007) model. Tomas Prechts (2007) analysis on the radicalisation process is similar with the four stages by Silber and Bhatt (2007). Precht (2007) explains that there is no single cause or catalyst for radicalisation. One of the differences in these models is that in Prechts model, he focuses on the far broader cause of extremism rather than the individuals adoption of the Salafi-Jihadi ideology in his conversion and identification stage. He focuses on three broad sets of causes which are: Background factors: a Muslim identity crisis, experiences of discrimination, alienation and perceived injustices Trigger factors: Western foreign policy and provocative events, the presence of a charismatic leader or adviser and the glorification of jihad Opportunity factors: These are venues or locations where like minded people meet for the purpose of radicalisation by giving inspiration or serving as recruiting grounds. For example the internet, mosques, schools and universities and sports activities (Precht, 2007). For Precht radicalisation or terrorism is: Largely viewed as a sociological phenomenon where issues like belonging, identity, group dynamics, and values are an important element in the transformation process. Religion, as such, play an important role, but for some it probably rather serves as a vehicle for fulfilling other goals (Precht, 2007:71) Criticizing the religious ideology driven radicalisation process, Sageman (2004), emphasises the role of social bonds in the radicalisation process, social bonds play a more important role in the emergence of the global Salafi Jihad than ideology (Sageman, 2004:178). In another research study he concludes that the terrorists studied during trials in Western Europe and North America were not intellectuals or ideologues (Sageman, 2008:156-7). He believes that less focus should be placed on ideology and religion and instead the discourse should focus more on social networking to radicalisation and the jihad movement. Studying the profiles of radical Islamists we can see many inconsistencies. Some are well educated, some are well off, others genuinely poor, some are married, others single, some are western born and educated, others are foreign students, and some had integrated well in western society while others less so (Al-Lami, 2008) On the other hand certain similarities have also been identified in studying radicalised individuals. A key factor is that the majority of Muslim youth in the west who became radicalised or got involved in terrorism were religious novices. They had superficial knowledge of Islam and were easy lured into radical and extremist ideologies, distorting their interpretation of Islam. Since they were novices they could not authenticate this extreme version of Islam taught to them by radical preachers (Sageman, 2004; Choudhury, 2007; Husain, 2007). An interesting concept about radicalisation is offered by Mandel (2008), who says to be radical is to be extreme relative to something that is defined or accepted as normative, traditional, or valued as the status quo. What he means is that its a matter of perspectives. What one group may regard as radical, another may regard that as normal or acceptable. Adversaries may each regard the others act and motivating belief systems as extreme, perhaps overly so. In this sense, the attribution of being a radical or radicalised may be intended by the attributer as a negative characterization of the attributee. More specifically, the attributer may use the term radical to convey that the attributee poses a source of threat to the attributers traditional way of life (Mandel, 2008:9) Keeping this concept of perspectives in mind, it implies that for liberal governments in Britain, Islamists or Jihadists are seen as radicals who threaten their way of life. But for the Islamists the label may be seen as a virtuous characteristic associated with attempts to return to a society in line with their own belief systems and values. But this kind of concept can be a bit problematic in the sense that there is no universal definition of what is right and what is wrong. There are no black and white truths when it comes to belief systems or ways of life. What would be the limit of going radical in either direction, whether liberal or Islamist? Some scholars do not differentiate between the different forms of Islam and see the problem with Islam as a whole rather than with Islamism or radical forms of Islam. In their view Muslims are a different civilization altogether, and are convinced about the superiority of their culture (Huntington, 1996). The problem with this view is that it treats Islam as monolithic and uniform religion. In reality Islam is not like that and has many different faces and interpretations across both historical time and at the present (Murshed and Pavan, 2009:3). Identity politics is another key factor that contributes to radicalisation. Muslim youth in the West feel a need to carve out their own identities, because they cannot relate to their parents ethnic communities and the Western societies they live in simultaneously. Another key catalyst for radicalisation and terrorism is western foreign policy, which has backfired domestically; conflicts in Iraq, Afghanistan, Palestine, Bosnia and Chechnya come to be seen as crusades against Muslims (Al-Lami, 2008). Socio-economic disadvantage and political factors such as the Wests foreign policy with regard to Muslims and certain historical grievances play a part in the development of radicalisation (Murshed and Pavan, 2009). There have also been instances where opportunistic politicians in Western Europe have created hatred amongst the majority and minority communities, producing a backlash. Racism and anti Muslim immigration has also been seen as a driver for the radicalisation process, All over Western Europe there has been growth in single issue, anti-immigrant, especially anti-Muslim immigrant partiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦racist messages that breed fear of minorities like Muslims, can emanate from attention seeking politicians, who campaign on a single issue that scapegoat a particular group for all of societys ills (crime, unemployment and so on) (Murshed and Pavan, 2009). Socio-economic deprivation, low education and unemployment have been one of the most common explanations for radicalisation. Statistics show that Muslims, compared to other religious groups, have the highest rates of unemployment, high prison population and poor housing facilities (Awan, 2007:211). However Sageman (2004) does not accept this explanation of radicalisation. He mentions that out of the 172 biographies of Salafi-Jihadists he examined, over 60 percent were well educated and a high proportion of them were professionals and most had semi-skilled occupations. Another interesting illustration of the radicalisation process in British Muslims is given by McRoy (2006). He suggests that there has been a systematic radicalisation in British Muslims mainly due to a number of incidents or events starting from 1988 with the controversial and anti-Islamic book, The Satanic Verses. The publication of Salman Rushdies book The Satanic Verses in 1988 was the defining watershed for British Muslim Identity and activism (McRoy, 2006:10). The book was publically burned in Birmingham, giving very strong signs of radical behaviour. The second major event was the Gulf Crisis of 1992-93, when Iraq invaded Kuwait, which was seen as an anti-imperialist action by Iraq. And when Britain supported the war against Iraq whilst rejecting similar action to end the Israeli occupation of Palestine, it created more hatred towards the West and Muslims felt that the West had double standards when it came to helping out Muslims. And then came the Bosnian Crisis, when Muslims lost faith in the West and this fuelled radicalisation amongst British Muslims (McRoy, 2006). It is almost impossible to say with certainty what the causes of radicalisation are, as it is difficult to know whether a factor is instrumental or merely present. It is more helpful to think about radicalising agents- factors which are present and appear frequently across different cases, for example, key places, charismatic leaders, relationship links, experiences and assumed grievances (Briggs and Birdwell, 2009). As we have seen in the literature, there are many reasons scholars have stated for the radicalisation process. Religious ideology (Salafi-Jihadi), political ideology, social bonds, perceived injustices against Muslims around the world (Bosnia, Kashmir, and Palestine), Western foreign policy, influence by charismatic leaders, poverty and deprivation, low education, unemployment, identity politics, racism, anti- Muslim immigration and so on. Having understood that the radicalisation process can occur by any of these reasons or factors, for the purpose of this research I shall look into another factor that has not been given the attention and importance it deserves by many Western governments, that is radicalisation and violence caused by state power or by the policies which are developed for countering radicalisation and violence. How the UK counter terrorism policies have impacted on radicalising individuals in the UK. It is surprising why the UK government and the intelligence committees, while assessing the effectiveness of the counter-terrorism policies, did not acknowledge the potentially damaging effect counter-terrorism measures themselves can have in contributing to radicalisation (Blick et al, 2006). When we say counter terrorism policies it implies both domestic and foreign policies for the purpose of this research. Although there has been literature regarding this aspect, but this factor (state-power) has rare ly been treated as an independent factor which added to other factors could also perpetuate or contribute to the radicalisation process. I am undertaking this research to contribute to the growing literature in this area. Chapter 2: Policy Development and UK Counter terrorism strategy: If we look at UKs history in creating coercive counter terrorism laws, which targeted specific communities, it dates back to 1974, when the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was introduced, to deal with the Irish political violence (Hillyard, 1993). These laws were targeting the Irish community as a whole and were seen as a cause of the continuity and increase in the scale of the Irish related violence. The PTA established a dual system of justice, where conventional criminals who committed crimes such as murder, rape, theft were tried in the ordinary criminal justice system while a shadow and more draconian system developed to deal with those suspected of Irish terrorism'(Hillyard:1993). However For the purpose of this research, I shall discuss and analyse the legislation and counter terrorism strategies, post September 11th 2001. This chapter is divided into two parts. The first part shall discuss the Counter terrorism strategy (CONTEST) of UK with special reference to the developments after September 11th 2001. The basis of the analysis on the legislation will be drawn from the terrorism act 2000. It will unfold the important components of the anti terror legislation through the analysis of CONTEST. The second part will focus on how this counter terrorist strategy was developed and the sources which have influenced these developments by examining it through a policy transfer model. This chapter will provide a foundation for the remaining part of the research. I. UK Counter terrorism strategy (CONTEST) There are five major pieces of legislation in the UK to combat terrorism, and these legislations and laws are the foundation of the CONTEST. They are Terrorism act 2000; Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001; The Prevention of Terrorism Act 2005; The Terrorism Act 2006 and The Counter-Terrorism Act 2008. The UKs Counter-terrorism strategy knows as CONTEST, has been in existence since 2003 but was first published in 2006 and revised in 2009 to acknowledge the changing threat of terrorism (HM Government, 2009). The strategy has four elements- the four Ps: Pursue, Prevent, Protect and Prepare. For the purpose of this research I shall discuss the Pursue and Prevent elements of the CONTEST. Pursue, is the most important priority for the government because it deals with stopping terrorist attacks. The pursue element of CONTEST aims to reduce the terrorist threat to the UK and UK interests overseas through the detection and investigation of terrorist networks and the disruption of their activities (HM Government, 2009:61). The Pursue element of CONTEST is intelligence led and it aims at close coordination and collaboration of domestic police and intelligence agencies as well as international agencies. This intelligence gathering is used to disrupt terrorists, by the use of prosecution as the first option but if that is not possible then other options like, deportation, control orders, freezing and seizing financial assets and proscription of organisations, can be used as alternative means. Successful prosecution in the courts, based on gathering the necessary evidence and apprehending those involved in planning acts of terrorism before they can carry out their intentions is the preferred method of disrupting terrorist activities according to CONTEST (HM Government, 2006:20). In facilitating the prosecution of suspected terrorists, section 44 of the Terrorism act 2000 extended the police powers of stop and search, which were widely and sometimes disproportionately used as a component of the pursue element of CONTEST. According to section 44, a senior police officer may specify or designate areas or places in which an officer may stop and search vehicles, drivers or pedestrians on suspicion of being involved or aiming to carry out terrorist activity (Terrorism Act, 2000 online: http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2000/pdf/ukpga_20000011_en.pdf) These stop and search powers of the police have been very controversial and are disproportionately used against some communities. In 2004-2005 police stopped and searched 35,800 pedestrians, vehicles and occupants under section 44 and arrested only 455 people (just over 1 percent of those stopped). Very few of these 1% arrested, relate to terrorism. This law has been targeting Asians communities and has created a wedge between community relations which has dangerous consequences (Blick, et al 2006). There has always been speculation about the disproportionate use of these stop and search powers on certain communities. On one hand ethnic profiling could be seen as necessary to identify criminals or terrorists, as some people would argue that it is amongst some ethnic groups that terrorists belong. But on the other hand if a terrorist belongs to the Muslim community for example, is it fair to target the whole Muslim community and assume that there are more terrorists amongst them. Or do we need the help of that particular community to identify terrorists. If we target them disproportionately, there is a chance of isolating them and losing that opportunity of winning their support and confidence in order to identify terrorists or criminals. After the September 11th 2001 attacks there was greater collaboration between UK and US police and homeland security departments which led to greater searches. Between 2001 and 2007 there were 205,000 police searches for terrorist related activities in England and Wales. Out of these 205,000 stops and searches there were only 2,571 arrests, just 1 percent of the total (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009a). Another controversial law is the pre-charge detention. Under section 41 of the Terrorism Act 2000, the police may arrest someone on reasonable suspicion that they are a terrorist and keep them in detention without charge till seven days (Terrorism Act, 2000). Pre-charge detention was further extended to 14 days in 2003 and then to 28 days by the terrorism act 2006, and now it is the highest number of days (pre-charge detention) compared to any democracy in the world (Liberty, 2007). The Joint Committee on Human Rights has noted that preventive detention is not permissible under article 5 (the right to liberty and security of a person) of the European Convention and warned that it could not be introduced without a derogation, which would require the government to claim that the life of the nation is in peril (Blick et al, 2006:48). This 28 day pre-charge detention has been vilified by human rights organisations all over UK. They are of the view that the police dont need 28 days to investigate someone on suspicion of terrorist activities. Between the time the pre-charge detention for 28 days was passed and October 2007, there were 204 arrests under the terrorism act. Out of 204 suspects only 11 were detained for more than 14 days. Eight of these were charged and three were released without charge (Liberty, 2007). This shows how14 days are more than sufficient for investigating suspected terrorists. The Terrorism Act 2000 gives the home secretary the power to proscribe groups involved in terrorism, and membership of a proscribed group is illegal. By 2009, 59 terrorist groups were proscribed by this act, including 14 groups belonging to Northern Ireland (HM Government, 2009). The 2006 terrorism act also makes it a criminal offense to encourage terrorism directly or indirectly inciting or encouraging others to commit acts of terrorism. This includes an offense of the glorification of terror- people who praise or celebrate terrorism in a way that may encourage others to commit a terrorist act. The maximum penalty is seven years imprisonment (Guardian, 2010: http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/libertycentral/2009/jan/19/terrorism-act-2006). Many political groups and organisations are banned as a result of the pursue element of CONTEST, granted by the terrorism act 2000. A range of activities, including non violent activities of some of these groups, whose aims are geographical and political with regards to internal strife and conflict in their home countries such as Kurdistan, Sri Lanka, and Kashmir are banned and criminalized. These groups have connections to minority ethnic and refugee communities in UK. Supporting and even attending meetings of these groups is banned (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009a). Some of these groups are not terrorist organisations but aim to over throw their local governments due to oppression and violence against them. Are we not limiting the freedom of expression through the use of these coercive measures? The UK has always been seen as a champion of the freedom of expression and the freedom of speech, but it is not true any more. The 2001 Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act (ATCSA), which was introduced as a result of the September 11th attacks, led to new measures on asset freezing, account monitoring and cash seizures (HM Government, 2009). The 2008 Counter-Terrorism Act further strengthens police investigatory powers by introducing post-charge interviews. Other measures have been introduced to deal with suspected terrorists who cannot be prosecuted. There are control orders, created by the 2005 Prevention of Terrorism Act, for individuals suspected of posing a terrorist risk but for whom a trial or deportation is considered impossible. These place indefinite and severe restrictions on an individuals movement, communication and associations through curfew, tagging and surveillance. They have proven to be among the most controversial of measures because they require no finding of guilt by the courts (Pantazis and Pemberton, 2009b). The Prevent element of CONTEST is concerned with radicalisation of individuals and how to stop them from becoming terrorists. The aim of the prevent element is to stop radicalisation, reducing support for terrorism and discouraging people from becoming terrorists (HM Government, 2009:83). In order to understand how this strategy works I shall look into the definition of terrorism, provided by the terrorism act 2000, around which all these laws and legislations are established. But the Irony is that the definition of terrorism provided by the government is so broad, that it includes a lot of non-violent activity, threats or acts of serious violence against a person, damage to property and serious disruption of an electronic system as well as acts that create a serious risk to the health or safety of persons, whenever such acts or threats are made for the purpose of advancing a political, ideological or religious cause (Terrorism Act 2000, online) This definition gives the police and law enforcement agencies too much discretion. Many legitimate gatherings can be targeted by the use of this definition. For example, for several years cyclists have taken to the streets in cities around the world. The aim of the gatherings has been described as to reclaim the streets. However due to such a huge number of participants these rides can seriously disrupts traffic and can be said to pose danger to the health and safety of cyclists as well as other road users. They can also intimidate a section of the public; they arguably fall within the definition of terrorism (ARTICLE 19, 2006). The important components of the prevent element of CONTEST (HM Government, 2009) involves, challenging the ideology behind violent extremism and supporting moderate Muslim scholars and influential voices in order to defy the extremist ideology. Disrupting those who promote violent extremism and supporting the places where they operate. According to the government, the radicaliser is as important as the radicalised. Therefore using the powers under the 2006 terrorism act, the police will prosecute those who encourage or glorify terrorism and take action against the places where they operate. Supporting ind

Assess the part played by socialisation in the development of gender roles and identities

My scorn-bound edition of Chambers Concise defines socialisation as â€Å"the act or process of socialising: the process by which infants and young children become aware of society and their relationship with others1† Haralambos and Holborn2 are more comprehensive in their definition: socialisation applies to individuals and is a collection of lifelong actions and changes. Social studies of socialisation's impact upon gender roles and identities have been carried out in the modern western world3 and amongst the less densely populated and differing culture of the tribespeople of New Guinea4. The purchasing of toys, clothes, linguistic application and the direction to specified acts of play have been interpreted by Ann Oakley as culturally produced. Margaret Mead concluded from the behaviour of the three tribes she studied, that cultural choice was the driving factor with reference to adoption of gender-active norms and values. This social construct is proceeded by physical construction: obligatory nine month stay in the womb, gene-penning and receiving delivery of testosterone or oestrogen. Goldberg5 and Wilson are proponents of the view that biological determinism has a part to play, with relation to chemical influence on passive/aggressive behavioural development, and on the varying abilities of the sexes. Genetic instruction Wilson types, means men are more promiscuous due to evolutionary related urges and that women are more involved in child-care. 6 Those social scientists putting forward the importance of the ‘nature' perspective in this area are of number and both Talcott Parsons and John Bowlby have put forward sensible arguments. In this spaces, I hope to communicate my fine understanding of gender roles, identities and the evolution of, rather than biology, present here only because of the enhanced visibility of the matter. Ann Oakley3 whom I mentioned earlier based her findings on a study by Ruth Hartley around infants in a contemporary trading communities. Oakley wrote that at a young age, children's self-concept was affected through a childwear fashion manipulation. This adherence to bigger cultural norms is further expanded upon with the over-suggested direction in relation to playthings and the passive/aggressive (or submissive/dominant) images they bring. This closure of activity choice leads to a path of exposure to activity, one that is pre-defined according to stereotypes with a cautious ward glance according to gender identify. With mother and father is another primary socialiser – a black box window which brings sounds and pictures from the world around. â€Å"Television: comforter, nurturer, provider7† D. M. Meehan's study of shows like Dynasty and Dallas detected ten female character types, divided into roles that were good (submissive, sensitive and domesticated) or bad (rebellious, independent and selfish). This content analysis study of fiction serials8 brings to light the low-brow targeting of the shows, the addictive nature of the message (as the ‘soap opera/drama' form intends) is one of stagnation, gender identity is enforced by advice of repetition to the same message. In the real world, bra-burning doesn't exist as part of Women's Liberation, rape is treated sensationally and given too much word count : one wonders of the extent to which the media folk set the agenda, correlating improvement in purchases of automobiles. Women's media too, deals with ‘soft news' (such as family and fashion). This most public of images is the ideology the child finds in doctor's waiting rooms when out of comic books or toys to play with, and their views of the world are further preformed. Not that comicbooklets are much better with reference to representation. Alan Moores semiological analysis9 has findings in common with Meehans. In US comicbooklets, male characters are often ubermensch, attention centre and the only purpose of a woman in a comic is to be ‘rescued': a convenient plot device, they constantly divert the superheroes attention from worthier matters. Female characters who are strong (as with younger characters) are mere appendixes to their male counterparts- in the days of Moore's study Batwoman, Batgirl, Spiderwoman, Supergirl, WonderWoman and She-Hulk were most devoid of any personality that singled them out as fully constructed characters. A study of the teenage girls magazine ‘Jackie' found results which Angela McRobbie refers to as ‘the ideology of romance'10 : connotive and denotive casting spells of a restricted house based future, moving to marriage and child bearing and rearing. The quest for (wealthy pop media idol) boys paints on a culture of feminity to which digression is prevented and reinforced by labelling. Oakley's findings are backed up by two major studies of comprehensive school age. Sharpe11 found priorities and concerns relating to matters of â€Å"love, marriage, husbands, children, jobs and careers, more or less in that order†. A similar study ten years later, of roughly a hundred 15-16 year olds from a bigger variation of class and ethnicity got a somewhat similar result12. Hartnett, although not scribing specifically of teenage years puts forward the idea of a system whereby gender roles are shared out as sex-roles. Gender divisions are created by the assignment of quite opposite personality traits, uneven distribution of activity and social value, which accompanies this. 13 A hundred years ago, Engels14 observed many disturbing elements of the ‘traditional' family life which in the past number of decades those of the Marxist-Feminist Perspective have found recurring. The connections between patriarchy and the labour system are too pervading during the attempt to form gender norms and values. The impact of domestic labour on capitalist economy shows the girls the map to the kitchen while the ideological role family provides society, conditions the lads off to the factory15. The development of these gender roles and identities is as the marker is no doubt aware, annoyingly pessimistic, in as far as the bulk of the writings. Many of the studies on these matters are by women and the imbalance is. Anna Pollert's report on working classes is a far more encouraging scales balance. Pollert print is of the transit of women to manual labour, â€Å"immediately painfully aware of the dehumanisation, the mind-destroying emptiness of their jobs†16 Pollert states that chaps readily embrace employment, and are by default blind to this effect. Returning to biological relativity (for the time of a paragraph) and the impact of gender based identity adoption, Seligman stalks the passive and submissive element to find out that they have ‘learnt helplessness'. Seligman attempts a through connection that implies the encouragement of acts of dependency are appropriate values for a women. That women are culturally prepared to diffuse stress through the act of sharing is backed up by cultural-behavioural analyses and gender differentials in mortality and morbidity. 17 The dull, tedious nature of housework is also often fulfilling, and Oakley comments upon how there is little prestige to the work and role and a lack of bargaining power, Many married woman would agree with Oakley18 although views are constantly changing19 as the years do. The conclusion of symmetrical role balance20 (and thus symmetrical role identity) is one which Oakley solidly opposes, mostly on the grounds of it's financial intimations. The labour-family issue is riddled with colourful concepts, valid and imaginative. J. Stacey's postmodernist approach is favoured by this author, family and marriage based on relationship needs21. Views are valid regarding individual selection. Social action, social positivism. The power of suggestion. Few community analysts are absolute in their judgements, open to questioning their own theories, findings and interpretations. Critics are never rare. There are a number of challengers to these documentations of gender identity. The area of ‘Masculinity' is of primary interest as it is one that suffers from overlook in the social studies foremost represented. I've already covered men's identities as boys in earlier pages of this assignment, so I'll proceed directly to the part of education, central to the role of socialisation as it is. Marsha Jones in Sociology Review a few years back noted that equal opportunities have been so implemented that researcher concerns now focus upon the lack of educational achievement amongst boys. Jones findings are based on a statistical analysis: recent GCSE results and she goes on to comment on an increase in truancy amongst working class boys22. With regards to the tertiary socialiser (the mass media), Moore and his colleague, the unique Dave Sim23 have often noted that male entertainment media teaches that ‘character only comes through conflict'. With a patriarchy n place and males behind the camera and in front of it, this quote from W. Farrell's ‘The Myth of Male Power' could as easily apply, â€Å"It has been mainly men who have died for their country – and they have had little choice in the matter. Men do the worst jobs: they dies sooner: their lives are given less value (women and children come first): they suffer legal discrimination (eg. Custody of children): their traditional role of breadwinner is misleadingly called ‘power' (power is about the ability to control one's life, not the obligation to earn money)> Men have been opposed and damaged by gender roles. The wound that unifies all men is their disposability: as soldiers, workers, fathers. â€Å"24 As women are encouraged to go from education to domestic life quickly, men are expected to go from secondary level education to work just as fast. With regards to family, modern scientific revelations in the media, have built a social construct that whispers to man that biologically they are becoming obsolete, as sperm donators. Rising divorce rates and separation rates have meant lone parents. Rising divorce rates and separation rates have meant lone parents and absentee fathers , hardly cause for surprise when traditional roles are weighed up. ‘Feckless Fathers' who refuse to pay child support, adherents to the New Right policies police them as demons for the binding. 25 At the workplace, there is a decline of manual labour and the consequent increase in unemployment for working class men. Perhaps this is a result of women's greater visibility there, coupled with man's desire to make more of his short life, were he is expected to remain silent about his problems. â€Å"What? † I whisperscreamed in a public restaurant today, reading of D. Thomas â€Å"Not Guilty†26. In Britain in 1991, 3,007 men committed suicide (compared with 886 women, if comparison matters). Thomas goes onto calculate that males live lives 7% shorter than those of women. I find that bloody scary. Looking back to thirty years ago, the following attitudes were on that basis much more bleeding scarier and very very ugly. S. Brownmiller writing in 1975 finds â€Å"a pattern of coercive sexuality† were rape is a conscious conspiracy on the part of the male collective to keep all women in a state of fear27. Although statistical figures back up findings of domestic violence, such radical feminist outlooks in the seventies depicted men as a sex as monsters or oppressors. (Radical as Radical-militant-extremist). Around this time, Tolson identifies a ‘crisis of masculinity', with males uncertain relating to their roles, and their cause containing ‘contradictions and turmoils28'. A. Dworkin in her study of porn found that it reinforced the ‘myth' that women like to be dominated by men. There are however feminists who have taken different positions and advocate the pleasure gained from pornography and too, erotic displays. Dworkin attempts to form a causal link with domestic violence. Sadly plausible I guess estimate, but her statement that porn's social impact desensitises men is valid though somewhat one-sided29. The following year, saw two more important commentaries and studies, which seem to indicate both genders advocating a wiser and stronger approach. Coote and Campbell30 addressed feminist calls to embrace ‘heterosexual chauvinism' or ‘separatism' by pointing out that those roles were as trappings. The aim of a ‘self-determining sexuality' was given, with sexual preference and lifestyle down to individual choice. Goode31 states that most men were genuinely surprised by the discontent of women and slowly started adjusting to changing gender roles. Margaret Thatcher, the most powerful visible female role model in the UK had at this point begun to hint at her own secret agendas, lunacie, and sent masses of male troops off to the Falkland Islands to die. The final decade of the eighties saw sociological theory based on good research get into the intricacies of observing and observable gender norms and values. Carrigan et al32 identify hegemonic and subordinate masculine image in dominance. Wolf exposes the false ideology that is the beauty myth and it's damaging effects such as the creation of inferiority complexes among older women. With the 1990s only recently ended, I am unable to form quite as crystallised a picture of gender socialisation developing as the years prior. At this point, I have no new studies to mention that haven't already been mentioned in this chronology of gender norms and values. However, Farrell in his 1992 work suggests that that the world is both patriarchal and matriarchal and I quote a weighty note of advanced healthier optimism, â€Å"What we need is not a women's movement or a men's movement but a gender transition movement† As strong a signalling for positive socialisation if ever I've read one.

The Importance of Examples of an Apa Research Paper

The Importance of Examples of an Apa Research Paper Your document may have a complicated structure, especially in the event the main body will be big. There it's possible to learn to construct the structure and its elements. A consistent structure ought to be used in the principal headings and the subheadings. In case the structure of the chief body has many levels, it is preferable to use different numbering styles. If you are searching for a hardy tree with a striking aesthetic, look no more! If you read an illustration of APA paper, you can observe that running heads aren't always mandatory. New Ideas Into Examples of an Apa Research Paper Never Before Revealed The organization's major purpose is to promote psychology as a science, profession, and a method of improving the well-being, mental well-being, and education of individuals. Writing a research paper poses a problem for the majority of students because of the degree of difficulty it takes just to produce one per subject. So, first of all, a college research paper has to be informative. A research paper that concerns scientific issues isn't just a free-style essay where you're able to tell readers whatever you desire. If you're looking for a very best essay supplier that could offer you quick and authentic essays online, then you need to contact. Thus, is a service, where you can purchase essays. Enable us to explain what makes us the very best essay writing service in the marketplace. If you are able to discover an essay linked to your subject, you might rewrite it to hasten the process. The full text needs to be double-spaced. You ought to use a very clear font that's highly readable. A template is a kind of design that's already formatted in your document so you can get started writing on opening it. There are several different sets of rules that are applied based on the specifics of the area of study. You will be pleased you filled up the purchase form. So, the one thing you need to do is merely to organize information you've found and texts you have written for your research. One of the most important opportunities to be successful in your study is by using our website. Although a lot of scientists are busy people they're often prepared to spend a while supplying you with information. Furthermore, failing to acknowledge the work of others can cause accusations of plagiarism, which then may lead to consequences like a failing grade or even getting fired from your work. In the era of the web, it is getting increasingly important to make certain that your research are available, both on the net and on university intranet search facilities. The perfect place to begin your research is on the internet since it will offer you direct details. Footnotes are occasionally utilized to back up substantial data in your text. You always ought to prepare a reference page for each of the parenthetical citations. APA is a well-liked reference style employed in many sorts of academic writing. APA format is usually utilized in the social sciences. It is popular among students due to its simple guidelines and approach. It will help you to organize your paper well. The History of Examples of an Apa Research Paper Refuted If you believe that writing of a research paper is simply about gathering relevant materials and copy-pasting then in another document, you're mistaken. Set up to compose reports in research style ought to be outline. An individual should realize that every Research Paper is a sophisticated writing because it must contain distinctive research and distinctive idea. For instance, our research paper writing service has a mixture of ex-professors, published authors. There are various points to take into account in order to reach a great research paper by means of either a grid paper template or a lined paper template, based on your preference or the research requirement. You need to pick the very best service to find quality papers and high grades. You can't afford a minimal grade make certain it doesn't happen.

Comparing the Views of Socrates and Sigmund Freuds...

Socrates on Civilization and Its Discontents Instinctual Drives and Appetites Freud says that life is the individuals quest for instinctual freedom, which is denied to him by society. He calls this quest for instinctual freedom the programme of the pleasure principle. (Freud, 8). The pleasure principle is satisfied through gratification of the individuals instincts. However, what Freud calls primordial, instinctual drives which man must express at the cost of his own sanity are merely appetites, base passions of the body. (Freud, 8). These base passions, these instincts are not to be satisfied through gratification but to be transcended through reason. Mans quest in life is to know the good, obtaining virtue through that knowledge, and deriving happiness from virtue. The Repression of Mans Essential Nature by Society Freud believes that people are forced to repress instincts by society and would otherwise behave as beasts. This is reminiscent of Glaucons claim that morality is only a social construction, the source of which is the desire to maintain ones reputation for virtue and honesty. This claim was illustrated through Glaucons tale of the Ring of Gyges, where the just are given a ring which makes them invisible, with which to proceed to do all of the things they are restricted from doing while visible, such as stealing, killing, and sleeping with anyone at his pleasure. (Plato, 360b). Hence, if the fear of mans judgment and retribution by society were